The New Tunisia: Too Many Parties with Too Little Influence?

Over 100 new political parties have been formed in Tunisia since the fall of the regime. But the recent constituent assembly elections revealed that only a handful will wield any real influence in the future.

Tunis - Tunisia has broken the Arab record for the number of presidents and ministers elected and appointed in the span of one year.

Ever since the outbreak of the uprising, Tunisia has known three presidents (ousted President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, Fouad Mbazaa, and Moncef al-Marzouki), three prime ministers (Mohammad Ghannouchi, Beji Caid el Sebsi, and Hamadi Jebali), and nearly 100 ministers, not to mention the emergence of more than 100 political parties.

Ministerial appointments that were once made behind closed doors in the presidential palace are now imposed by the will of the people.

After the uprising, Mohammad Ghannouchi formed the first government, this time with the inclusion of ministers from the opposition and civil society, namely Ahmad Najib al-Shabi, Ahmad Ibrahim, and al-Tayyeb al-Bakoush (head of Arab Institute for Human Rights), in addition to al-Qarawi al-Shabi, former dean of the lawyers’ syndicate.

The Ghannouchi government developed a six-month program for a democratic transition period that would see the implementation of constitutional and legal reforms, and prepare the way for presidential elections.

However, several leftist, Islamist, and union groups did not approve of this course. They were all united behind the call for electing a national constituent assembly, which would be tasked with writing a new constitution.

The Ghannouchi government eventually fell after being subjected to pressure by protesters who occupied Qasaba square in Tunis.

Their demands to elect a constituent assembly, suspend the constitution, and dissolve all parliamentary and advisory councils were all met.

Beji Caid el Sebsi took the helm of government in early March. His appointment was considered by many as a break from his predecessors.

He also managed to calm the restless masses with his Bourguiba-like manners, proposing a democratic transition road map, which was accepted by most political and civil groups.

The road map stipulated that a committee be formed to fulfill the goals of the revolution for political reform, as well as lay the groundwork for constituent assembly elections to be held on October 23.

In the run up to the constituent assembly elections, the interior ministry permitted over 100 parties to operate, in addition to the eight parties that already existed.

However, many of these new parties did not wield much influence. The political arena remained divided between conservative parties, represented by the al-Nahda Party; far-left parties like the Workers’ Communist Party; and centrist parties, including the Progressive Democratic Party, the Democratic Forum, and the Congress for the Republic Party.

It took some time for the key parties to work out their alliances. During Sebsi’s government, far-left parties supported al-Nahda movement against the interim cabinet and accused all those aligned with the government of undermining the revolution.

The centrist current, particularly the Progressive Democratic Party, chose to support Sebsi’s government.

The most important decision taken during this period – and perhaps in the history of parties in Tunis – was the dissolution of the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD), the former ruling party.

The RCD was split up into several smaller groupings, like al-Moubadara (The Initiative) Party, led by Kamel Morjane, former minister of foreign affairs during Ben Ali’s rule. The party won five seats in the national constituent assembly.

In the run up to the constituent assembly elections, the political landscape became much clearer. The main dividing line was between secularists and progressives, on one hand, and Islamists and conservatives, on the other.

The al-Nahda movement represented the Islamist current, whereas the Progressive Democratic Party, led by Ahmad Najib al-Shabi, and Ettajdid Movement (formerly the Communist Party) represented the secularist current.

Competition between al-Nahda and the Progressive Democratic Party, which are considered the oldest Tunisian parties, was expected to be fierce due to their wide support.

But the elections surprised many Tunisians, as the Progressive Democratic Party was overtaken by the Congress for the Republic Party and Popular Petition party, an independent movement led by al-Hashmi al-Hamdi, owner of an independent channel in London.

The elections resulted in a tremendous victory for al-Nahda, which formed an alliance with the Congress and with the rest of the parties trailing way behind.

Al-Nahda formed the cabinet along with Congress for the Republic Party and the Forum for Labor and Liberties, which shared the top three posts in the republic.

Now, one year on from the revolution, the new government awaits the vote of confidence from the constitutional council. Thus, the Tunisian people toppled a dictator and put in his place those who spent most of his rule either in prison or exile. They now face the challenge of ruling Tunis after the uprising.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.